Transmutation of Social Stigma:
How Educational Attainment and Positive Reinforcement Networks Can Solve
California's Chronic Recidivism
Anonymous
December 17, 2018
Introduction
Starting from infancy, our values, aspirations, interactions, and realities are defined by the socialization process within our respective social settings. However, social environments are diverse in nature, with various symbols, definitions, and heterogeneous symbolic interpretations to account for. As a result, dissonance occurs whenever we find ourselves in a new setting. This is especially relevant for formerly incarcerated individuals who find themselves navigating life after their release. Formerly incarcerated people often face persistent stigma in many areas of life due to their conviction history yet at the same time, they are also expected to be productive members of society. This paradoxical relationship leads to the internalization of negative stigma and lack of opportunities for formerly incarcerated people, and is arguably one of the main reasons why recidivism is so high in many different counties and states throughout the US.
Thanks to the advocacy effort by many organizations, a number of states have started to explore better alternatives to reform decades of costly punitive criminal justice policies. Shaping public opinion is perhaps the most important and challenging task in advocacy. First, advocates must raise awareness in a succinct and persuasive manner. This can become even more difficult if the subject is contentious or unpopular, giving opponents easy ways to discredit the argument. Furthermore, different groups and organizations affiliated with the issue must find a method to coordinate their communication to the general public in order to minimize confusion and present a cohesive message.
Through participant observations, personal interviews, content analysis of individuals and public materials related to Forward Path – a California nonprofit program which aims to reduce recidivism by promoting and supporting higher education for the formerly incarcerated – this paper explores how educational attainment helps to weaken the effects of negative stigma on the incarcerated population; how internal beliefs can evolve to promote positive self-perception under the right conditions; and how effective use of collective action can transform negative stigma from a source of individual disadvantage into collective empowerment.
Literature Review
Symbolic Interactionism: Goffman's Presentation of Self (Dillon 2013)
Goffman's concept of the presentation of self is one of the most powerful and applicable ideas for symbolic interactionism. It encapsulates the human tendency of positive self-presentation and impression management while using a very digestible and relatable metaphor. The stage is representative of social structure, while acting is a perfect analogy for agency. The interactions between actors, roles, and the stage (front and back) are also comparable and relatable to how we present ourselves in social environments. And just like theater, the success of our performance is dependent on how the audience perceive and respond to our actions.
Context and meanings are crucial to the presentation of self. As humans, we are socialized by our interactions with the environment and other people. We learn and internalize the various meanings and appropriate conducts to navigate the social world. We also learn what roles to play, and how a society - just like a theater - cannot exist without the relational connections that roles provide. There has to be a student for every teacher, customer for every salesperson, son or daughter for every mother or father. Social structures impose certain expectations of social roles, and most people are conditioned to portray the official values of society. However, our performance is not entirely subjected to the written script. We are free to reject the typical interpretations of meanings if we do not care about what the audience think. However, not everyone can withstand the pressure of non-conformance because we do not like to be isolated or ostracized by society. Just as Newton's third law posits: for every action there is an equal and opposite reaction. Thus, we must constantly calculate the reactions to our actions and perform in the most beneficial manner in order for us to achieve our internal desires.
Symbolic Interactionism: Goffman's Presentation of Self (Dillon 2013)
According to Goffman, a crucial concept to master for a successful performance is controlling the definition of the situation. Meanings are the core of social interactions, and controlling the definition of the situation allows us to influence how meanings are interpreted. Our appearance and manner are the most important keys to set the tone and to sustain the definition of the situation. For example, we comply and give deference to doctors or police officers because of their appearance and mannerism. If someone wearing a tanktop and shorts ask us to open our mouths for examination or show our identification, we are very unlikely to follow their instructions. Another example is our tendency to judge others by their physical appearance. Being in shape confers not only personal health benefits, but so boost one's self-esteem and positively shape others' perceptions about your attitudes and values. However, Collins also notes in the text that appearance can also works against us in certain social contexts, such as high-earning women who are hesitant to invite dates back to their high-class apartments because they do not want to embarrass lower-earning males.
For Goffman, social order is maintained through interaction rituals. Rituals facilitates our interactions with others, especially the people we know, in a routine manner that minimizes social gaffes while allowing us to efficiently convey our emotions and statuses. Last but not least, how we manage our impression is central to the presentation of self. To get the things we want in this world, we must evoke the desirable responses from others, and others' judgment of our performance largely depend on how appealing our impression is. A performance takes place in two different regions: the front and back stages. The front region is where the performance is given, while all the preparation occurs in the back region.
"Looking Glass Self" by Jennifer Dunn (Levine and Hogg 2010)
Socialization simply cannot occur without the presence of others, and the concept of the looking-glass self by Cooley expanded this line of inquiry in the social sciences. Our self-concept is essentially a reflection of what we perceive others to think about us, and we try to adjust our behaviors in interactions to achieve a desired product of self. This process begins at childhood with our primary groups. As toddlers, we build our concept of self through interactions with our immediate family, and learn how to shape our actions to elicit anticipated responses from others. Cooley gained many insights from observing his own daughter growing up, specifically the way she began to differentiate the different pronouns of self such as "I", "me", or "mine". For Cooley, this shows a progression of socialization where self-concepts evolve a relational connection to the surrounding environment, and children's individuality eventually merges with the identity of society as a whole. Cooley was very interest in how we learn and internalize empathy for others. The most important factor related to self-concept is emotions, specifically how they govern our interactions. As much as we would like to believe that our self-esteem and self-efficacy are independent and objective, Cooley contends that we react emotionally to what we perceive others are thinking about us, and internalize those estimates. Experiments conducted by Jane Elliott on prejudice showed how arbitrary differences, when given meanings and contexts, can detrimentally affect our self-esteem and self-efficacy. Because of the looking-glass self, prejudice can have a massive negative impact on numerous aspects of ourselves, and this has become increasingly relevant in today's polarized society.
Methods
Ethnography Review
As the most popular method for qualitative research, ethnography consists of social and verbal interactions with people in particular settings, often involving physical locations but can also include virtual spaces. The first step to this method is selecting an accessible setting. Researchers can either opt for somewhere they already have established entrée (access) to or start with a brand new setting. While accessibility and cost factors are important for those starting anew, ethnographers must be sensitive to social, ethical, and privacy concerns before initiating contact with the population of interest (Karner and Warren 2015:58-50).
Since first impressions are extremely important in many aspects of life, researchers should carefully present themselves in a manner which resonate with potential participants to increase the likelihood of gaining access; ascribed characteristics like gender, age, skin color, and ethnicity are also important factors to consider in this regard (62). Gatekeepers are individuals who have the power to allow or deny access to a setting, while key informants are those who can provide interesting and vital information (69-72). Identifying and establishing rapport with these important figures not only make the process much easier, but can potentially lead the research down more interesting avenues. Once initial access is established, ethnographers may have the options to go-along, tour, or shadow respondents to gain more in-depth data (73). Observations collected during ethnography are recorded as field notes, and should be preserved in a manner that respect and adhere to respondents' rights to privacy.
Along the way, perceptions and reactions to the study may change as developments unfold. If rapport surpasses a certain threshold, respondents may want to recruit the researcher as an official member of the group. On the other hand, if the situation deteriorates, they may become distrustful and view the researcher as a spy, possibly resulting in physical violence. Respondents may also attempt to bargain for favors (85), or even sex (93). Because of the inherent risks involved with being in the field, ethnographers must understand and utilize proper techniques when it comes to dealing with subjects in order to minimize potential harm to all parties and to protect the integrity of the research itself (95).
Ethnography Methods
All the names of individuals and groups have been altered in an effort to protect the anonymity of subjects. The data for this research was collected from participant observations from two separate events in October of 2018 attended by students and staff associated with Forward Path. The first observation spanned about 3 hours and included two events: an on-campus social gathering for members of the group and a symposium hosted at an auditorium where one Forward Path student was invited to speak. The second observation was conducted at a nursery in Fresno where another organization affiliated with Forward Path held a fundraising event. Since I have worked for Forward Path in the past, my rapport with staff and students from the program helped to encourage participants to speak freely during observations. They were informed of my study at the beginning of each event, and I used short written notes to record my observations.
After data collection was completed, the field notes were expanded to include thick descriptions, and imported to Nvivo for coding and analysis. Since Goffman's dramaturgical perspective was chosen and served as the supporting framework for this ethnographic study, the expanded field notes were mostly separated into 3 main nodes associated with Goffman's theory: definition of the situation, impression management, and thick description. Roles was created as an additional main node to examine two pertinent concepts: Mead's role-taking and Turner's role-making. Sub-nodes were subsequently formed to delineate and expand on additional concepts within the main nodes, with 6 sub-nodes for impression management (appearance, manners, frontstage, backstage, individual impression management, and group impression management), and 2 sub-nodes for roles (role-making, role-taking). The full field notes for these participant observations is available in the appendix for viewing.
Interview Review
While the most prevalent type of research interview in sociology is the in-depth (intensive) method, other forms include oral history, couples interview, focus groups, or internet-based (130-133). Interviews can be conducted as a way to supplement fieldwork, or by itself as a solid method for qualitative exploration. As a general rule, ethnographies should be employed for studies examining behavior or interaction, while interviews are better suited for biographies or personal accounts (122).
In-depth interview begins with formulating a general research question, or a set of questions, that encapsulates all pertinent research interests in a succinct manner (123). Optionally, a face sheet can be created to gather respondents' basic demographic information (124). Locating potential interviewees can be done in the community or online, and local organizations are great sources of access to respondents (136). Similar to doing fieldwork, the interview process requires ideal social characteristics between the interviewer and respondents and a certain degree of social interactions to establish satisfactory rapport. Research questions should therefore start with general, non-intrusive subjects and build up to more emotionally-intensive topics toward the conclusion of the interview (127). For better emic insights, the interviewer must be familiar with the use of probes for clarification and prompts for further details, preferably in an unobtrusive manner.
Institutional Review Boards (IRBs) exist to protect and enforce ethics in research by mandating three chief protections for human subjects: informed consent, confidentiality, and avoiding harm (128). Researchers using the interview method must inform respondents of the study's scope, purposes, and the institution sponsoring the research (128). Consideration for respondents' emotional states should be among one of the top priorities for a good interviewer, and thus information should be obtained without coercion or deceitful manipulation. Lastly, maximum care and effort must go toward ensuring respondents' confidentially, which is the reason why sensitive information and personal identifiers in recordings and transcriptions should be coded, redacted, physically locked, digitally encrypted, or destroyed at the conclusion of research.
Interview Methods
I conducted three semi-structured interviews in November 2018 with Steve, Rob, and Sam – students affiliated with Forward Path. Through my prior experiences working with the program, I knew many of the students and inquired if they were interested in becoming participants for this study. Due to their expressed interest and availability, Steve, Rob, and Sam were selected. The interviews were conducted separately in a study room at a public library, and ranged from 20 to 32 minutes. Prior to the start of each interview, respondents were asked to read and sign consent forms outlining the scope of the study and their privacy rights. All interviews were recorded and stored on my iPhone. Upon completion, recorded interviews were uploaded to an online service for automatic transcription. The processed transcripts were manually checked for errors and uploaded to Nvivo for coding purposes.
Due to its relevance to the study, symbolic interactionism serves as the theoretical foundation for interviews and analysis. Consequently, 3 nodes were created for concepts related to symbolic interaction: definition of the situation, impression management, and stigma. To delineate and expand on additional concepts associated with impression management, I generated appearance, manners, frontstage, backstage, individual impression management, and group impression management as sub-nodes. I also created roles as another theoretical node to examine two pertinent concepts: role-taking and role-making. Word search queries for all interviews revealed several notable terms: education, help, and Forward Path. These ideas were expanded via text search queries using broad context, and subsequently saved as separate nodes. 5 non-theoretical nodes were also generated, which include: identity, positive transformation, positive reinforcement, structural conditions, and volunteering.
Content Analysis Review
Without a thorough understanding of the underlying culture within and outside a particular group, qualitative exploration can contribute neither significant nor comprehensive insights to the existing literature. In modern day, content (cultural) analysis helps to fill this gap via examination of the artifacts and social representations relevant to the group in the media (169). Naturally, the scope of available data is fairly large, encompassing various materials from TV, print media, the Internet, or even the existing vernacular.
Researchers conducting content analyses should start with a clear general idea about the topic and subsequently expand to applicable sub-categories to ensure proper sampling of documents. Magazines and advertisements are usually good places to begin the document collection process (173). Historical documents and visual artifacts are great sources of special insights regarding how culture might have evolved over time for a group, and should also be included in content analysis. Images can come in three different forms: researcher-produced, participant-produced, and archived (179). Finally, the proliferation of the Internet in the 21st century has considerably expanded sources of information for qualitative researchers. Online interviews, discussions, and diaries in the forms of videos, blogs, news article, and social media platforms are just a few clicks away on the computer (202-206). However, the Internet is an unrestricted environment where any information can be widely disseminated without any attachment to reality. Accordingly, researchers should be wary of online sources and ensure the accuracy of any information obtained electronically.
Content Analysis Methods
The data for this research was collected online from various media sources and several postsecondary-education institutions' websites in December 2018. I used the NCapture extension to record the data from webpages. Upon completion, the NCapture data was manually checked for errors and uploaded to Nvivo for coding purposes.
To examine how Forward Path organizations in different California areas are advocating for the importance of additional public funding to higher education for the formerly incarcerated, I created 5 nodes: claims, ruling texts, controlling images, grounds/warrants/conclusions, and collective action frames. Out of all the materials coded, I selected the best examples from each node to include in the analysis section of this paper. I began my analysis of the data by generating a word cloud to explore how various organizations, affiliates, and allies speak about the problems facing formerly incarcerated students and the necessity for programs like Forward Path. Unsurprisingly, the majority of terms used are related to incarceration and education within the state of California.
Analysis
Content Analysis
"From the perspective of criminal justice reform, 99 percent of incarcerated people eventually return to the community … Why wouldn't society want such folks to have avenues through which to reintegrate and remake themselves and have access to stable and meaningful employment?"
California has one of the largest incarcerated populations in the US, with over 200,000 people in jails and prisons in 2015. The majority of these individuals return to their respective communities after serving their sentences but around 60-65% are re-incarcerated within three years, mostly due to the inability to secure stable housing and employment. The state's failure to reduce chronic recidivism poses not only public safety issues for many communities, but also exerts undue financial burdens to house reoffenders. For this reason, activists from community organizations have advocated for a stronger emphasis on rehabilitation programs within and outside the criminal justice system to reduce recidivism. Higher education has emerged as the most promising avenue to achieve this objective. However, it is not a solution without challenges:
"A college education would provide both the paper credentials and the skills and expertise needed to lock down a job and do it well. But for many formerly incarcerated individuals, college isn't an option. There's the question of cost and secondary education requirements, and for many there isn't enough awareness of the admissions process and how to navigate its tangle of deadlines, checklists and prerequisites."
Even when formerly incarcerated individuals manage to traverse the initial barriers to higher education, they are met with unique challenges in the realm of academia – things like stigma, distrust, and social isolation. According to the current California director of Forward Path, this is where the organization enters the picture:
"When a person leaves prison, they're often told, 'Just go out there and do the right thing,' … But how do you accomplish that if you don't have places to help you do what's considered the 'right thing'? Education is definitely one of those places, and Forward Path has been a pioneer in making sure those leaving the criminal justice system have access."
Likewise, formerly incarcerated students are overwhelmingly vocal about the importance of education and need for programs like Forward Path to enable meaningful personal transformation:
"People who have served time in prison are capable and able to do anything we put our minds to if the barriers are removed that prevent us from doing that. It's not our lack of intelligence or civility. It's the institutional barriers that are against this population, and when those barriers are removed, the sky is the limit."
The most common type of "institutional barriers" mentioned above is controlling images, or stereotypes, of formerly incarcerated individuals being more dangerous, deviant, and different than the average person in order to justify their subjugation as second-class citizens in society. Formerly incarcerated students are often judged by their appearance and demeanor, especially ones who are just recently released:
"I stand out because I have all these tattoos … People were coming up to me and saying, 'Oh, you just got out? I just got out a few months ago, too.' I started to recognize there was a lot of formerly incarcerated at the school."
Adapting to a higher learning environment can become a daunting task for any first-time student. Formerly incarcerated students are often older than their peers upon entering college due to their experience with the criminal justice system, and as a result, they can feel isolated on campus. The stigma of incarceration often forces them to hide their past from their peers and teachers, further preventing them from forming positive relationships beneficial for academic success. The director of Fresno State's Forward Path spoke about this detrimental process of alienation during an interview:
"You get on campus and, like you said, you're surrounded by individuals that you may not necessarily relate to. You're older. You're different. You have different experiences. And at some point, you have to reveal to this new friend who's never been involved in the system that you have a felony. This is your parole officer, et cetera. And they become terrified of that - the rejection and social stigma that goes along with being involved in the system."
The discrimination stemming from negative controlling images of the formerly incarcerated also exists at the institutional level. Having a criminal record is the only remaining form of sanctioned discrimination in the US, which makes securing funding and assistance for programs supporting the incarcerated population from traditional sources a more difficult task for nonprofit organizations. In 2016, Forward Path expanded to 7 additional CSU campuses – the first major expansion since the start of the organization in 1967. However, according to the state director of the program, the enthusiasm for this effort was curbed due to the influence of negative controlling images:
"We ran into people with preconceived ideas about the formerly incarcerated, and we had trouble getting assistance in admissions and elsewhere."
While ruling texts, or dominant narratives, are less discernable in everyday life in comparison to controlling images, they effectively determine people's outcomes in life. Public discourse on incarceration has not always been strictly punitive in US history. However, the War on Drugs drastically altered the narrative, and the public adopted a much harsher attitude toward people who found themselves on the wrong side of the law. Formerly incarcerated people subsequently had to contend with the paradoxical act of trying to become productive citizens in a society where they are treated with mistrust and contempt. With negative public sentiments peaking in the 1990s, federal and states governments adopted stricter regulations to limit formerly incarcerated individuals' physical and social mobility, further exacerbating barriers to reintegration. One of the more dubious laws enacted during this era was the sanction preventing individuals from receiving federal financial aid for postsecondary education during incarceration:
"For years, current and former inmates were barred from higher education. The Violent Crime and Law Enforcement Act of 1994 rendered anyone in federal or state prison ineligible for a Pell grant, even though less than 1 percent of Pell grants awarded in 1994 went to incarcerated recipients."
With legal employment discrimination against criminal convictions being the norm, ex-convicts are at a serious disadvantage in the labor market due to their lack of educational and professional certifications, and the 1994 act took away the best chance they had to improve their circumstances after release. The exclusion of higher educational opportunities for the formerly incarcerated population subsequently extended to postsecondary education institutions in a more subtle manner:
"The Common Application, which is used by hundreds of universities and colleges nationwide, added a question about applicants' criminal records in 2006. The Clery Center for Security on Campus, an advocacy group founded by the parents of a Lehigh University student who was murdered on campus, supported the inquiry into applicants' criminal backgrounds."
Limiting educational avenues for people with criminal convictions is antithetical to a better society. Empirical data have provided substantial evidence for this argument, which Forward Path's advocates have consistently refer to in order to demonstrate why education should be the top priority for rehabilitation efforts:
"The data bears out the dramatic impact a college education can have on the formerly incarcerated. California has historically suffered from one of the highest recidivism rates in the nation, with up to two-thirds of those released from prison returning within a few years. But for those who participate in college programs, the odds of doing so are reduced by 43 percent, according to a RAND study on correctional education. In 2010, the most recent year for which data is available, the percentage of Forward Path students who returned to prison was just 3 percent."
Forward Path further contends that criminal justice reform should not be limited to the expansion of educational access. Once enrolled, formerly incarcerated students often face additional challenges due to the combination of their criminal history and upbringing from disadvantaged backgrounds. Without on-campus resources to address this problem, many often find themselves straying from the right path:
"Besides that stigma, formerly incarcerated students often are the first in their family to attend college and likely have a distrust of institutions … With all those issues combined, formerly incarcerated students have a high risk of failing to complete their graduation requirements within a targeted time of four to six years, making the need for a support group even more pressing."
Most notably, Forward Path students' recidivism rate of 3% is a remarkable statistic with two implications. First, it is unquestionably superior to the average recidivism rate for the state of California. Second, it shows that students supported by a program like Forward Path are 95% less likely to reoffend than those lacking participation in college education. This outcome is significantly better than the 43% reduction claimed by in-custody educational programs, and provides indisputable evidence for the importance of post-release educational support which cannot be ignored by lawmakers and correctional officials.
Building on the momentum of recent years, advocates for criminal justice reform in California have become increasingly vocal about the need for transitioning to rehabilitation programs. Forward Path's state-wide expansion in 2016 was made possible by a coordinated public relation effort from community allies, nonprofit organizations, and advocates in academia. When asked about Forward Path, the nonprofit organization responsible for funding the program's expansion provided this simple and obvious reason:
"By transforming these Californians into college students and graduates, this will improve public health and safety, build economic mobility and make communities safer."
Advocates also appealed to the public by highlighting the financial benefits of adopting a rehabilitative model for community programs, as seen by this statement from a Forward Path director at a southern California CSU campus:
"For folks who aren't persuaded by social justice arguments in favor of this kind of work, the cost benefit analysis is crystal clear… We can spend on average, as we do in the State of California, $61,000 a year to keep someone in a cage or we can spend a fraction of that to help extend opportunities to them to get their degrees."
In addition, sympathetic allies in college administrations are crucial to the success of programs like Forward Path. Fortunately, there were many present during the 2016 expansion who were vocal about their support for Forward Path being on their campus. This statement was provided by the president of another CSU campus:
"I am pleased that Fresno State has been selected to participate in the Forward Path expansion … This program is a proven model to reduce recidivism and empower criminal justice-involved individuals through higher education. That's the kind of bold outreach that Fresno State is proud to join."
While support from allies is undoubtedly important for maintaining Forward Path's relevance, nothing comes close to the impact of testimonies provided by former students of the program. Their amazing personal transformations and academic achievements help to improve public perception of the formerly incarcerated by showcasing their desire for self-improvement. This also helps to convince other formerly incarcerated individuals that positive change is possible with the right kind of support, and presents education as an attractive avenue to break the cycle of incarceration. No one besides these students can provide the relatable, in-depth explanations as to why California needs more programs like Forward Path:
"I had no interest in surrounding myself with other parolees upon my release. My experience in prison was that there were not many people who were serious about changing their lives or doing really positive and awesome things. Everyone involved in SDSU's Forward Path is just as dedicated as I am, and that is beyond refreshing and supportive. It increases the people that I can reach out to in difficulty and who will truly understand my struggles and experiences. I want to advocate for these possibilities in a way that assures people who never thought it possible, that higher education and a successful life are not only possible but probable."
Ethnography Analysis
One of the major interests in this study is the uncommon dynamic between structure and agency that Forward Path students often have to face in life due to their positionality. Arnie, a successful Forward Path student who is currently in a graduate program, articulated the difficulties he constantly has to confront in all different areas of life due to how incarcerated people are defined and stigmatized by society. When he was looking to apply for graduate school, "programs were telling him that they would love to have someone like him, but that he should try some other programs on campus." When he was volunteering at a prison, "correctional officers were wary of him because of his past." Ever since the War on Drugs started in the late 1970s and 1980s, the narrative of what it means to be someone with a criminal conviction has become relentlessly negative, full of stigma and associated with stereotypes like drug usage, inability to secure and maintain employment, or unwillingness to reintegrate and conform. Past mistakes do not, and should not, define the rest of someone's life. Arnie acknowledges the obstacles that society imposes on individuals like himself due to the stigmatization of criminal convictions, but refuses to succumb to the pressure created by those negative traditional statuses and roles.
Higher education attainment gives ex-felons the agency to redefine what it means to be formerly incarcerated and escape the constraints placed upon them due to structural discrimination against criminal conviction. Organizations like Forward Path are crucial to this transformative process by serving as a nexus for participants to support one another academically and encourage the substitution of negative, stereotypical roles of the formerly incarcerated with alternative ideals related to educational attainment. Forward Path accomplishes this objective by portraying its formerly incarcerated students as relatable, yet distinct from the negative stereotypes commonly portrayed in the media. Someone with a criminal history who might be interested in pursuing higher education can see that Forward Path students are people similar to them who come "from various minority backgrounds, with ages ranging from early 20s to late 40s." Many Forward Path participants, including Jackie (the director of the program), also have visible tattoos. Yet, interactions between Forward Path members are completely devoid of any hostility or dubious elements usually associated with the formerly incarcerated. The students' interactions are full of respect and positivity, and they readily offer assistance to one another in different areas of needs. The collegial environment within Forward Path almost certainly stems from Jackie's leadership as a result of her pleasant demeanor and constant attention to the students' needs and concerns.
Forward Path promotes the internalization of positive ideals within its members via constructive in-group interactions, inspired and driven by the collective determination and success of Forward Path students and by the support from the organization itself. In addition, the manners in which Forward Path members conduct themselves makes it difficult for outsiders to perceive them in a negative way. Another important finding from the observations reveals how organizations like Forward Path can alter individual and group perceptions of negative stereotypes through impression management. In the context of Goffman's dramaturgical perspective, Forward Path students are individually – and collectively – working to present themselves in the most positive manner as possible to transform the stigma of incarceration. Although in-group interactions within Forward Path can be considered more backstage-like due to the members' shared commonalities, Forward Path students still retain a frontstage demeanor when they are interacting with each other, especially when meeting new members. This can be seen clearly in Rob's and Greg's exchange upon meeting each other:
"Rob explained that he is a criminology major, with plans to pursue a law degree. He was responsible for forming a grassroots student group on his previous campus to fight for formerly incarcerated individuals' rights… Greg revealed that he is leading some projects at his clinic, and he is expecting to get a promotion to a higher position so he can create some more positive changes that will help people who struggles with drug addiction… Greg asked Rob what kind of law career he wants to pursue, and Rob answered he wants to become a criminal attorney to help formerly incarcerated people."
Both men were willing to tell someone whom they have just met personal information about themselves, thanks to the more relaxed atmosphere accorded by the backstage setting. However, both Rob and Greg presented themselves in a frontstage manner in relation to their previous incarceration experiences. The exchange also provides a very interesting example of how students involved with the program are constantly engaged in a very distinct form of role-taking and role-making, one heavily influenced by their positionality as people who have embraced a nontraditional definition of what it means to be ex-felons. Rob and Greg are passionate about creating change in their communities, but they acknowledge the significant influence of many institutions on their communities and their particular status as formerly incarcerated people. In discussing their aspirations to serve disadvantaged groups with their careers, Rob and Greg demonstrated an inherent understanding that "in order to create the positive changes they desire, they must infiltrate and take on official roles within traditional structures of power, and alter those roles to be more beneficial for the communities and groups they care about."
Forward Path students also take on a group identity and work collectively to reduce stigma against the formerly incarcerated. An example of this can be seen in Jackie's and Rob's discussion of Rob's community giveback project:
"By promoting this charitable cause as an organization, the students involved are generating a positive response and projecting a benevolent impression of their organization – and by extension, their statuses as formerly incarcerated individuals – to not only the recipients who directly benefit from the donations, but also to the larger community."
Group impression management is also present in the public speeches given by Arnie and Jackie. When speaking to a large audience, Arnie simply mentioned that he was someone who served a life sentence in prison when speaking about his past and chose to focus on his positive transformation post-release. Jackie and Arnie both highlighted how their incarceration experiences have become assets instead of liabilities, allowing them to connect with impacted populations more easily in a deeper way than someone without those experiences can. Many inmates can relate to Arnie because he shares a distinct commonality with them, and several of them have told Arnie that he gives them hope for a positive path after release.
Interview Analysis
Formerly incarcerated individuals often find a need to conceal their past from the public, a part which is considerably instrumental to their internal socialization. This adaptation strategy of identity-suppression, cultivated as a defense mechanism against incarceration stigma, reveals a fundamental dilemma faced by many within the formerly incarcerated population: how to reconcile past experiences of growing up in disadvantaged neighborhoods and being incarcerated with their current environments to produce a compatible and consistent internal social construction necessary for positive self-realization. According to all three respondents, the path begins with education.
Steve is perhaps one of the most ardent believers in the positive transformational power of education. He beamed with exuberant whenever the subject came up, a captivating yet incongruous sight considering he has previously spent 25 years in prison. When asked about his views on providing California inmates with associate college degrees to prepare for life after release, Steve did not hesitate:
"Absolutely and that's without a doubt. There's no way that you're not going to see life differently with an education… You know, it may differ from one person to the next, but it certainly will make them think about what they do with their own life. They also find out that life is really super short, and you don't want to waste it just sitting in prison."
Higher learning exposes incarcerated individuals to a completely new environment, forcing them to critically re-examine their internal and external realities. In addition, taking the role of a student imbues an alternative frame of social construction in which prior detrimental beliefs and unfavorable definitions of social situations are positively transformed by a desire for constructive self-transformation. However, this transitional process can be difficult to sustain due to the dissonance resulted from the aforementioned dilemma of trying to reconcile ingrained principles with augmented values and external realities.
Formerly incarcerated college students possess a distinctive intersectionality as a result of two disparate ascribed statuses: being a current student and a former deviant. Although Steve, Rob, and Sam all share this commonality, they face different external challenges which translate to dissimilar interpretations of their individual circumstances. When asked about any hindrances to his academic progress due to his past, Sam only acknowledges having to deal with some "…roadblocks as far as re-applying, being accepted, having to deal with all financial aid things, having to meet with counselors and what-not." Rob, on the other hand, spoke about how the combination of disparate racial power dynamics, lost cultural identity, and association with deviance throughout his life resulted in self-imposed social isolation which initially interfered with his education. For Steve, legal discrimination against his criminal history nearly put an end to his academic and professional trajectory, despite his unblemished commitment to rehabilitation post-release. If educational attainment is the starting point for positive self-transformation, how can formerly incarcerated individuals keep themselves heading in the right direction despite the obstacles on their path? For Steve, Rob, and Sam, positive reinforcement comprised of two separate components – a supportive network and volunteering – is the key to solving this question.
To understand why positive reinforcement works, we must first explore the social dynamics involved. The ubiquity of stigma against incarceration in contemporary society imposes subtle and overt boundaries on the lives of formerly incarcerated students, and in response, they must consciously and implicitly adjust their self-presentation to adapt. As an example, one of Steve's cohorts, who eventually became his close friend, knew he was formerly incarcerated before he officially revealed it to her. Her brother was also incarcerated, and shares the same distinctive gait as Steve's; she recognizes the walk as something only people who have been in prison have. Steve jokes that ever since, he's been "…trying to change my walk. I don't know how to walk. I put my hands in my pocket now. And I try to take smaller steps and I don't know if that's working." As a result of the palpable pressure levied against him in his chosen career field due to stigma, Steve has to employ active measures to minimize any involuntary manifestations of his incarceration. Sam, on the other hand, does not currently experience any impediments to his life due to his past. Yet, his statements regarding his criminal history implicitly acknowledge the nebulous presence of stigma in his life:
"I don't feel like it's been put out there as much in the light, you know. Like, it's my business, I put it up there if I choose to, but it hasn't been brought up, you know, yeah, in an uncomfortable way… I've discharge from parole, and it kind of seemed like, that was the last of, you know, the, the system, you know, reaching out their hands, you know, to try to grab on and me, so to speak."
Maintaining a suitable presentation of self in public can become strenuous for formerly incarcerated college students as a result of the constant effort required and the strain from trying to disassociate themselves from such an integral and formative element of their personal identities. An on-campus organization like Forward Path helps to alleviate this strain in multiple ways. First, it creates a network where formerly incarcerated students can share social, cultural, and physical resources necessary for academic success, furnishing a safe setting where members are allowed to disengage from active self-presentation and find comfort in the knowledge of their shared commonality. Sam highlights the necessity and importance of Forward Path as an on-campus organization for people like him:
"I feel like I have a home base here on campus, you know, like, I can go somewhere, and there's people there that, you know, come from … different backgrounds, but the same circumstances. They eliminate the, the overwhelming feelings, I like to say, the overwhelming feelings of having to deal with… [the] campus environment. The office is like a home base, they're there for more than just educational things, you know, if you have personal issues, someone to talk to. Guaranteed someone's either been in that situation already, or know someone who has, so there's always positive, you know, feedback."
Second, Forward Path's resources and connections, together with the organization's resolute faith in the potential of formerly incarcerated individuals, enable its members to traverse discriminatory barriers. Forward Path provides formerly incarcerated students the opportunities to validate their commitment to positive transformation not only to the general public, but also to themselves. Steve's remarkable trajectory after being connected to Forward Path delivers irrefutable evidence of this phenomenon. During his junior year as an undergrad, he was told there were no agencies that would accept him as an intern due to his conviction history, which was a requirement for acceptance into the social work master's program. A little less than two weeks before the start of his senior year, Steve's dream of becoming a social worker came painfully close to an end until a surprising phone call informed him that Forward Path was looking for someone with his background, and the rest is history.
"So I accepted. I interviewed I was hired on as an intern, and the rest have just been a blessing, as they say the dream came true. Everything that I've ever wanted to do, you know, work with the incarcerated and work in education and promoting education to the incarcerated and show people what can be possible through education. And just total a dream come true for me. And it still continues today."
Lastly, and perhaps most importantly, Forward Path promotes self-realization by positive reinforcement within its network of students. It achieves this by cultivating a culture of volunteerism where assistance is only requested, never compulsory. Steve, Rob, and Sam have been involved with various community service projects and outreach programs affiliated with Forward Path, and they still continue to volunteer with the organization. Unsurprisingly, most projects involved with Forward Path are geared towards helping the incarcerated population. In their roles as volunteers, Forward Path students experience a positive feedback loop by getting to help people they can truly relate to and care about, which not only provides gratification, but also appreciation for how far they have come as individuals. Their commitment for positive transformation is fortified when they are reminded of how hard things can be for formerly incarcerated people. This builds up positive momentum for their individual self-realization and propels them towards their aspirations. Rob perfectly encapsulates this phenomenon at the end of his interview:
"It's all working out… taking charge of your opportunities and those feeding into yourself, more opportunities coming along the way … [T]hese little pieces just falling into place, going to guide me, and tell me that I am in the right direction. Like these things are meant to happen … all of this. Positivity just building upon itself."
Conclusion
Forward Path and other similar programs are attempting to reverse decades of damage done to individuals, families, and communities as the result of an intolerant and punitive criminal justice system. This old-fashioned paradigm demands flawless reintegration from formerly incarcerated individuals, yet handicaps them physically, financially, and socially through the use of stigma and official sanctions. Besides the flawed rationality inherent in such a framework, engagement in deviance is most often situational, and thus disengagement from deviance requires the existence of positive environments to foster meaningful dispositional changes within formerly incarcerated individuals. Although academia has been proven to be one of these ideal settings, its effectiveness is significantly bolstered by additional resources and guidance from on-campus support networks such as Forward Path. Each individual accomplishment by Forward Path students contributes to the growing mountain of compelling evidence against the fallacy of punitive corrections, adding another nail to the coffin of this obsolete ideology.
The interviews and participant observations of Forward Path students shows that given the proper setting, subjective interpretation has the power to overcome objective constraints. Organizations with a decentralized network structured on a culture of positive reinforcement such as Forward Path foster lasting self-transformation within its members, transmuting their individual status of being formerly incarcerated as a hindrance to a source of collective empowerment. Commitment to higher education and involvement with Forward Path have allowed formerly incarcerated students to perceive themselves more positively as assets, not liabilities, to society. The academic environment gives these students the tools to critically reflect on the problems within themselves and their communities, examine potential solutions, and put themselves on a path to address those concerns. Forward Path further encourages this outcome by acting as a network of support and guidance for its members, while also presenting potential members and outsiders with a favorable alternative definition of what it means to be formerly incarcerated. By turning their past experiences into assets instead of liabilities, Forward Path members not only strengthen their own positive self-perceptions but also discredit the stigma against them. Positive affirmation powered by education seems to be an effective method of reducing recidivism, and its success should be explored in a more comprehensive manner in future studies that can translate to other organizations and areas.
References
Dillon, M. (2013). Introduction to sociological theory: theorists, concepts, and their applicability to the twenty-first century. Retrieved from https://ebookcentral.proquest.com
Karner X. T., Warren A. B. C. (2015). Discovering Qualitative Methods Ethnography, Interviews, Documents, and Images. New York, New York: Oxford University Press.
Levine, J. M. & Hogg, M. A. (Eds.) (2010). Encyclopedia of group processes & intergroup relations Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc. doi: 10.4135/9781412972017
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